Related Papers
International Journal of Comic Art, 10:2 (Fall)
Exhibition and Media reviews: “Shakespeare + Manga,” “Running for Office: Candidates, Campaigns, and the Cartoons of Clifford Berryman,” “Scrooged!” “Heroes of the Negro League,” “Herblock’s Presidents: ‘Puncturing Pomposity’”
2008 •
Michael Rhode
American Quarterly
Laughter Louder Than Bombs? Apocalyptic Graphic Satire in Cold War Cartooning, 1946–1959
2018 •
Brandon Webb
In the postwar American media landscape, “the bomb” symbolized both security and insecurity. Two of the nation’s leading syndicated cartoonists—the Washington Post’s Herbert Block and the Village Voice’s Jules Feiffer—played on this paradox by parodying the arms race, civil defense, nuclear testing and deterrence. But the schisms within progressive politics in this period distinguished Block and Feiffer as social critics. At the height of anticommunist hysteria, Block’s single-panel editorial cartoons often featured the anthropomorphized Mr. Atom, who became a spectral figure within the Cold War imaginary. In the post-McCarthy era, Feiffer’s narrative-driven strips spoofed military Keynesianism by critiquing the role capitalism played in fueling the nuclear crisis. While Block and Feiffer both recognized the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons, they were representative of a left-liberal divide at a point when humor was undergoing transformations in the wider culture and a political struggle over the bomb’s future was being fiercely waged. By foregrounding these cleavages, this essay argues that satirizing the full slate of contradictions of the nuclear era meant questioning the basic assumptions of the Cold War rivalry and breaking from the consensus framework altogether. Only by critiquing the ideology of the American Cold War commitment could the absurdities of the arms race be laid bare.
Reconsidering the Decline of the Editorial Cartoon
Ilan Danjoux
American History 1020: Lecture Outline
1992 •
Steven Samson
Communication Commons - Syracuse University Press
Conspiracy, Pragmatism and Style: An Analysis of Richard Nixon' s Antecedent Anti-Communist Conspiracy Rhetoric
2011 •
Evan L . Johnson
A Masters Thesis: This study is a rhetorical analysis of Richard Nixon’s early-career anti-communist conspiracy rhetoric. In conspiracy scholarship, two tracks have emerged: the paranoid style and the political style of conspiracy. Nixon, though, as a tricky rhetor, does not fall neatly within either of those styles, instead he samples from both styles over time and even within single speeches. After synthesizing the two styles into a method, I analyze three early Nixon anti- communist conspiracy texts between 1946-1962 which span those years and cover various genres. Text one is Nixon’s “Maiden Speech” to the House of Representatives in 1947. It is mostly in the paranoid style of conspiracy. Text two is the 1960 presidential campaign pamphlet “The Meaning of Communism to Americans,” which is mostly political. The third text is the first chapter of Nixon’s 1962 memoir Six Crises – the chapter is titled “The Hiss Case.” This text constructs the communist conspiracy fully within the paranoid style while simultaneously creating a “liberalist” conspirator fully in the political style. Due to Nixon’s fluidity between rhetorical styles, I introduce the concept of pragmatic agency to account for his conspiracistic rhetoric, which falls between the political and paranoid.
Institutions of Public Memory: The Legacies of German and American Politicians (Washington, D. C.: German Historical Institute/Sheridan Press, 2007).
Astrid M. Eckert
(Washington, D. C.: German Historical Institute/Sheridan Press, 2007). This volume emerged from the conference Access-Presentation-Memory: The Presidential Libraries and the Memorial Foundations of German Politicians held at the German Historical Institute, Washington DC. Facilitating dialogue across disciplinary boundaries as well as the Atlantic, it brought representatives from the U.S. presidential libraries, the with professors, archivists, and members of public interest groups. The selected essays offer unique insights into the legal, cultural, and historical.
The Politics of the Presidential Medal of Freedom: A Fifty Year Analysis, 1963-2013
2015 •
Fletcher McClellan
There are many honors and privileges bestowed on the occupant of this house, but few mean as much to me as the chance to award America's highest civilian medal....This is a chance for me-and for the United States of America-to say thank you to some of the finest citizens of this country (President Barack Obama, Presidential Medal of Freedom Award Ceremony, August 12, 2009).IntroductionThe Presidential Medal of Freedom (PMOF) is the nation's highest civilian honor. The president of the United States, at his sole discretion, bestows the Medal upon individuals for a variety of meritorious contributions. Because presidents act in an unconstrained manner when recognizing Medal recipients, the PMOF provides a unique opportunity to examine the civic contributions that presidents value most when exercising this symbolic unilateral power. Since the Medal's inception in 1963, U.S. presidents have recognized individuals for their contributions in diverse fields, including athletics...
Election Posters Around the Globe
Election Posters in the United States After World War II
2017 •
Steven Seidman
Fast Capitalism
Donald J. Trump and the Politics of Democratic Dysfunction
2020 •
Cary Fraser
An unlikely hero: the origins of affirmative action during the Nixon administration
2001 •
Kevin Yuill
The dissertation builds upon the question of why Nixon, a Republican, implemented the first affirmative action programs. It is divided into three parts. The first charts the liberal approach to race relations and the crisis that attended its collapse. As Habermas noted, a "legitimation crisis" affected private institutions necessitating a new round of government intervention. This section explores the idea that affirmative action was part of this legitimation crisis, an administrative replacement for the failure of the post-war hope that racism would disappear after the destruction of formal barriers to black equality. The second looks at the interventions of the Nixon administration. It argues that the Philadelphia Plan was less important in terms of later affirmative action than is usually thought. Other programs (such as the OMBE) developed around the same time became more significant. 1970 became the year that programs aimed at reforming ghettos transformed into progra...
